Deregulation Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Deregulation - Research Paper Example A good example of deregulation is the airline and the telecommunications industries in most countries including Europe and United States. Deregulation often arise from economic agents who identify failures and problems in their regulatory framework, add pressure to the norms shaking the existing rules of game through institutionalized and legitimized logics change. As mentioned by Collier and European University Institute (1998, p. 3), two forces that have been key in driving pressure for change in industries that have embraced deregulation are the rising concern about negative impacts of economic regulation particularly on industries’ competitiveness, this has resulted in the drive for deregulation that focuses on the liberalization of the industrial sectors and privatization of some of the state-owned firms. Emphasis has particularly been on breaking monopoly powers and enhancing competition, while this has been critical, it has also been important for governments to identif y the environmental implications of deregulation in sectors like energy where free market forces and competition influences technology as well as fuel prices. The other factor that has been key in driving deregulation has been the command-and-control measures of environment and their effectiveness that have been highly scrutinized. Government intervention with policies and standard has been viewed as insufficient and too lax and this has driven the need for deregulation. Deregulation of the airline industry Airline market was one of the heavily regulated public utilities in the past few decades. Regulatory reform has been central in most countries’ economic policy trend since mid-1970s, airline deregulation rose from the failures of countries to arrive at multi-lateral settlement on pricing, traffic rights, and capacity mainly in Geneva in 1947, and in Chicago in 1944 that mirrored the protectionist policies and rules that hindered entrepreneurial and competition activities ( Winston 1263). Regulation of the mentioned aspects therefore became central in bilateral negotiations held by governments and airlines, these negotiations have seen dramatic changes whereby traffic rights are settled by states’ bilateral agreements, control of frequencies and capacity became subject to bilateral state agreements or to inter-airline agreements, tariffs setting came to be done by the International Airline Transport Association (the IATA). Airline industry in Europe is one of such cases in the economic policy reforms. Deregulation began as essential economic decisions concerning traffic rights (entry), capacities as well as pricing were ruled by either suppliers (representatives) or the governments. U.K and U.S signed the 1946 Bermuda agreement that opened for future agreements increasing freedom rights and ending the frequency and capacity controls (Collier and European University Institute 13). Bermuda agreement did not explicitly indicate that tariffs setting were to be done by IATA, in 1978, U.S. signed the act on domestic airline deregulation and this put pressure to the international airline regulatory system resulting in various bilateral negotia

Private Law and Public Law Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Private Law and Public Law - Case Study Example The public law issue, on the other hand, refers to the criminal liability (for theft, robbery, physical injuries, kidnapping or death, among others) that happened on occasion of the theft or robbery aboard the cruise ship The Minnow. Specifically, the public law issue is whether the criminal law of Liberia (the country of the ship's flag), or the criminal law of Nassau, Key West, and Grand Cayman (the possible place where the crime was committed or any of the elements of the crime occurred) or the criminal law of the United States. For the purpose of the given problem however, the detailed discussion will be limited to tort law and contract law. At the outset, it should be emphasized that the resolution of the contract law issue must be resolved and decided under the law chosen and agreed by the contracting parties as stated in the contract. However, the problem of ascertaining the applicable law in the case of torts is scarcely less perplexing than in the case of contract. The reasons for this are as follows. First, there is a variety of different connecting factors that can be raised by the facts of the case: the place where the tort was committed; the residence, habitual residence, domicil, or nationality of the parties; and the place where the parties' relationship was centered. Second, in the situation where, for example, a wrongful act takes place in one country and the consequent injury in another, there is a serious definition problem in determining the place where the tort was committed. Third, a wide variety of tortuous issues may arise. For example, there can be issues of capacity (can Mrs. Lowell sue on behalf o f her husband), vicarious liability (is DWI liable for the acts of its employees), defences and immunities, damages, limitations on recovery, wrongful death, or intra-family immunities. Should the same law govern these issues Furthermore, there are different types of tort or delict, ranging from simple negligence to torts involving ships. Should the same rule apply regardless of the type of tort involved Fourth, if a foreign tort law is to be applied, this could lead to liability being imposed for torts unknown to the parties which may reflect radically different views and protect radically different interests from those recognized by the law of the parties. The common law rule in relation to foreign torts are derived from three leading cases.1 The law can be summed up as follows: there is a general rule of double actionability (there must be actionability by the law of the forum and the law of the place of the tort) with a flexible exception to this rule based on the concept of the most significant relationship. There is a double limbed choice of law rule derived from Phillips which means that a claimant who seeks to recover damages in the forum for what is an admitted tort according to the law of the place where the tort was committed will fail, unless the claimant proves that, had the defendant's act been done in the law of the forum, it would have constituted an actionable wrong by the forum law. Hence, the Lowells can claim only if the complained act is actionable under Liberian law or the law of the place where the tort was committed if the such act is also deemed to be an actionable tort in Florida (the forum). The second

Drunk Driving Essay Example for Free

Drunk Driving Essay Drunk driving is a primary cause of highway traffic accidents causing deaths and injuries with enormous monetary costs to society. The drunk driving was first recognized as a policy problem in the literature in 1904, approximately 5 years after the first highway traffic fatality in the United States (Voas and Lacey). In 1982, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration started keeping statistics of alcohol related crashes through its Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) (Stewart and Fell). In 1982, there were 26,173 alcohol related fatalities, which constituted 60% of all highway fatalities. In 2002, about 17,419 or roughly 41% of about 42,815 highway fatalities were estimated to be alcohol related which indicates a 19% change since 1982 (Stewart and Fell). Overall, alcohol related traffic fatalities have reduced by about 33% over the last two decades. Policies implemented to curb drunk driving in the last two decades seem to have an impact on alcohol related fatalities. FARS data shows a 62% decrease (1. 64 to . 61) in alcohol related fatality rate since 1982 (Stewart and Fell). The general decline in the alcohol related fatalities for the general population is believed to be due to a combination of deterrent based laws, increased alcohol awareness and decrease in alcohol consumption, increased publicity about prevention, and general car safety measures (Stewart and Fell). Starting 1980s, drunk driving has been conceptualized as a criminal justice issue. With the effect of Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) and some other citizen activist groups, the issue has become a public policy problem in which drunk drivers are defined as sinful killers who drink and drive irresponsibly and claim lives of innocent victims. These efforts, according to Ross, created a dominant paradigm which focuses on the blameworthy driver. Thus, framing the issue as of a sin and drunk drivers as deviants has dominated the policymaking process and socially constructed the drunk drivers as a target group with negative connotations in public mind (Meier). Policymakers responded the demands by legislating stricter deterrent based measures to punish those criminal drunk drivers and deter drunk driving to save lives (Ross). Therefore, it is important to examine how drunk driving emerged as a policy problem and how deterrent based laws are introduced and accepted as a solution to the problem. This paper examines also the effects of MADD on legislation of drunk driving laws and effects of those laws on alcohol related fatalities. Background The struggle against drunk driving as a traffic safety problem began in late 1960s. Before 1960s, the federal governments influence on states drunk driving policies was minimal. The national character and seriousness of traffic safety problems prompted Congress to enact the Highway Safety Act and the Motor Vehicle and Traffic Safety Act, in 1966. In 1967, the Secretary of Transportation officially promulgated the first federal drunk driving standards in the National Uniform Standards for State Highway Safety Programs. One of the requirements of this program was for each state to utilize chemical tests for determining blood alcohol levels (BAC) and to enact BAC limits of no greater than . 10 % (Evans et al. ). If an individual is found to be driving with a BAC over a certain threshold they would be arrested for drunk driving. Those standards came with the threat of reducing highway funds for noncompliance. Although some states viewed the 1967 standards and the threats of reducing highway funds as interfering with their sovereign function, they complied with the new standards to participate in highway construction projects. By 1981 all states had adopted the specific standard of . 10 BAC or a lower level. In 1982, the Presidential Commission on Drunk Driving was created, and the Alcohol Traffic Safety Act of 1982 established a three-year program to provide highway grants for states that adopted certain anti-drunk driving measures (Evans et al. ). In 1983, the Presidential Commission on Drunk Driving recommended that states enact a uniform drinking age of twenty-one years. This approach was ineffective: only four states had done so by 1984. In response, Congress passed legislation requiring highway funding reductions for any state with a drinking age under twenty-one in 1984. That strategy was effective as the states soon began to establish twenty-one-year age limits. By 1986, all but eight states had adopted the twenty-one-year age limits. By 1989, all states had complied with this federal limit. Congress, by promising grants or threatening to withhold funding (carrot and stick from of coercive federalism), has taken an active role in formulating drunk driving policies and in encouraging the states to adopt them (Evans et al. ). On October 23, 2000 President Clinton signed Department of Transportation and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2001 that established the first-ever national drunk driving standard at . 08 blood alcohol content (BAC). According to this legislation, states that do not adopt . 08 BAC laws by 2004 would have 2% of highway construction funds withheld, with the penalty increasing to 8% by 2007. States adopting the standard by 2007 would be reimbursed for any lost funds. As of February 2004, 46 states plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico have adopted the national . 08 BAC standard. The federal BAC limit was the last, but not the least measure established to curb drunk driving. It was, indeed, the culmination of efforts targeting drunk driving which dates back to early 1980s (MADD). Although a variety of preventative policies including education campaigns, rehabilitation, and control of alcohol sales have been employed to reduce drunk driving, more emphasis has been placed on the use of punitive policy tools such as license revocation, increased fines, and mandatory jail time. Policies designed to change undesired behavior frequently frame drunk driving behavior as sinful or deviant, which suggests that drunk driving may constitute a morality policy. Indeed, drunk drivers are often depicted in the media and policy debates as irresponsible killer drunks. The politics around the issue of drunk driving as a morality policy may explain why punitive tools rather than preventive policies have been increasingly used in this policy area (Meier). Anti-Drunk Driving Policy Controversies Policies pertaining to alcohol have been regulated by local, state and the federal governments over the last century, including the prohibition at the turn of the twentieth century. At different times alcohol has been prohibited, permitted to operate without government control, regulated through licensing, or controlled by monopolies. This policy area is largely controlled by states through a wide range of policies regulating both the sale of alcohol and penalties for alcohol abuse. Although prohibition on drunk driving is a regulatory policy, it has a separate purpose. As Meier points out, rather than restricting access to alcohol, drunk driving policies are intended to punish individuals who abuse alcohol by drinking and driving (687). Over the last two decades states have adopted a variety of punitive policies to prevent drunk driving and its consequences. Since drunk driving is framed as sinful behavior, no one will stand up and support drunk driving. Advocates of drunk driving policies push for stricter measures to protect innocent victims and in such an environment, rational politicians will perceive that the demand for restrictive policies will be greater than it actually is and, thus, compete for more extreme policies because they always see there is a great support for being tougher on sin (Meier). These policies will be carried out through strict law enforcement by agencies, which will be awarded by the number of arrests made. Therefore, law enforcement agencies will also favor more extreme policies because such policies will create an environment that supports more resources for them (Meier). Furthermore, arresting killer drunks and saving innocent lives will increase their popularity in the eyes of public. In the absence of organized opposition, therefore, drunk driving policies shaped with the support of the public, politicians, and the bureaucracy-lead to adoption of coercive tools, which increases the cost of sinful behavior (Ross). As with most public policy issues, this one, too, has many sides. Just as anti-drunk driving movement supporters form alliances for specific efforts, adversaries also work independently and sometimes together depending on the current situation and how their alliances reflect common concerns. Organizations and individuals who appear to oppose the efforts of the anti-drunk driving movement are, in some cases, protecting a different interest or issue, such as business interests and, by extension, the economy (Baum). Despite the strength of the morality policy framework to predict what type of policy tools would be adopted in this policy domain, legislation of the federal . 08 BAC standard departs from this framework on -at least- one major point: there was an organized opposition to the legislation. Opponents of the national . 08 BAC limit consisted of interest groups representing alcohol and hospitality industries and a few non-profit groups defending motorists rights. Meier contends that highly salient morality policies permit little role for expertise and the lack of opposition results in avoidance of information that challenges the dominant position. Therefore, morality politics lead to adoption of poorly designed and rarely effective policies. In the case of . 08 BAC legislation, as with many other anti drunk driving policies, however, existence of such an opposition heated the debate around the effectiveness of that standard to prevent drunk driving. Studies evaluating the effectiveness of . 08 BAC limit and level of impairment at different levels of BAC were often cited by both sides of the policy (Meier 689-90). Opponents of the national . 08 BAC limit, however, differed in their solutions rather than in their conception of the issue. Both sides of the drunk driving debate agreed on the problem, but they disagreed on the solutions, which is closely related to the definition of the problem. Opponents and proponents of the legislation defined the problems in similar ways. For example, both sides distinguished good people who drink socially from a small minority of alcohol abusers, blameworthy deviants, who drink and drive irresponsibly. The alcohol and restaurant lobbyists could not and did not deny the existence of drunk driving problem. Furthermore, they accepted an obligation to contribute to the reduction of the problem (Baum). However, they defended that . 08 BAC limit would not affect those abusers but would punish the responsible social drinkers, which in turn negatively would affect alcohol sales. They argued that most fatal accidents involving BAC levels below . 10 were alcohol related, not alcohol caused. In almost all alcohol caused fatal accidents, drivers have had an average BAC level of . 17. Therefore, lowering BAC limit to . 08 would not prevent drunk driving. Instead, some other measures such as strict administrative license suspension, and frequent sobriety checks by law enforcement should be administered. Proponents of the . 08 BAC legislation, on the other hand, argued that everyones safe driving skills are dangerously impaired at this level, and nearly one-fourth of traffic fatalities caused by drunk drivers with a BAC level of . 10 or less (Meier 691-92). Anti-Drunk Driving Movement and MADD According to Reinarman, the anti-drunk driving movement did not spring from a rise in the prevalence of drunk driving or in accidents related to it, but from the fact that the injustices (or negative externalities) attributed to drunk driving have never been treated seriously by legislators and courts. Indeed, before 1980s drunk driving had been seen merely a traffic offense. The morality policy focus of the Reagan administration created the suitable climate in which the claims of MADD affected the public and legislators (Reinarman). MADD was founded as a non-profit victims rights organization concerned with advocating for and counseling victims and bereaved relatives, and monitoring courtrooms. Although many members of MADD are victims or bereaved victims of drunk drivers, general community activists (non-victim) have also been active in many chapters. A study on a national sample of 125 MADD chapters indicated that victimization alone does not cause activism (Weed). Moreover, victim and non-victim activists share similar social backgrounds and already participate in other voluntary associations, which reveals that MADD tends to be run by activists who have been victimized rather than victims who have become activists (Ross). Despite its inception as a victims rights organization, MADD has been blamed for becoming a neo-prohibitionist movement (Hanson). The goal of the organization, Hanson claims, is no longer preventing alcohol related accidents but preventing drinking. Moreover, MADD members are accused of seeking vengeance through harsh penalties either than rehabilitation and prevention. Reinarman points out that MADDs goals include the demand for justice or vengeance on the group that took lives of friends and children, which warrants harsh punishment whether deterrence is achieved. He also contends that in the case of drunk driving, the purpose of jail is generally social revenge, not accident prevention. Advocates of MADD, on the other hand, have always pointed out the public education programs, victim assistance, and legislative activism as their agenda items. Regardless of the objectives mentioned above, MADD has managed to make drunk driving a major public problem. Its approach to the problem assumes that the victim in an alcohol related accident is innocent; the drunk drivers behavior is willful and it is a crime which should be dealt in the criminal justice system; and harsh punishment is effective in reducing drunk driving by the threat of swift, certain, and severe penalties. By working against the alcohol industrys promotion of drinking in general, MADD has focused on the negative externalities created by the drunk driver -framing the issue as a deviant behavior (Ross). This strategy allowed the movement to gain support even from the alcohol industry itself. Starting from being a small group of women to a nationwide organization with over 600 chapters across 50 states, MADD has become the most influential citizen group fighting drunk driving. The organizations 2003-2004 annual report shows that its assets reached more than $28 million and revenues more than $53 million (MADD). As with other anti-drunk driving laws, MADD was the main actor behind the federal . 08 BAC legislation. With support of other non-profit organizations, MADD members brought the issue to the public attention. They lobbied key members of Congress, organized media campaigns, participated in press events and other activities, and published fact sheets and statistical information demonstrating the significance of the policy initiative (Ross). They not only contacted the president and obtained his support, but also reached both Democrat and Republican members of the Congress gaining bipartisan support, necessary for passage of the legislation. MADD saw the fight for . 08 BAC as a fight for public safety. Karolyn Nunnallee, the president of the organization, once said, The danger imposed by a drunk driver does not stop at State lines. Neither should the standards that define drunk driving (190). Conclusion Like many other public policy issues, drunk driving can also be defined and addressed in several ways with every definition proposing a different solution. Contrary to the dominant paradigm, for example, drunk driving can be considered as a public health issue. Then the solution would be rehabilitation of offenders rather than imposing sanctions on them. However, efforts of MADD and other grassroots organizations to define the problem in criminal justice terms by describing the problem as of a sin committed by irresponsible killer drunks against innocent victims succeed over other possible definitions of the problem as well as the solutions attached to them (Meier). Their success of the definition of the problem yielded social construction of the target group as deviants with negative connotations and weak political power who deserve sanctions either than rehabilitation. Although proponents of drunk driving policies have been successful in defining the issue in terms of sin that no one could stand for it, opponents were also successful to some extent in addressing the issue by questioning the effectiveness of deterrent based policies. They were able to frame the issue in such a manner that opposition became legitimate. Meier contends that when the opponents are able to change the social construction of the debate from sin to some other dimension, the redistributive nature of the policy becomes open and acknowledged (694). At this point, we can hold that the drunk driving issue was transformed from the politics of sin to the politics of redistribution when alcohol and hospitality industries considered that the stricter laws -as in the case of federal . 08 BAC legislation- would threat alcohol sales. They were not successful, however, in changing issue entirely from being a policy of sin and could not defend drunk driving, but emphasized the potential inefficiency of measures to curb drunk driving. Moreover, they could not sustain holding that position over time and once again the dominant definition of the problem prevailed yielding more punitive tools to deter drunk driving. MADD has been acknowledged as the driving force that transformed drunk driving into a public problem which warrants governmental action. Moreover, MADD as a citizen advocacy group is an important factor in shaping policies in American states. The results provided evidence for the effects of MADD not only on states adoption of anti-drunk driving laws but also adoption of traffic safety measures in general. Works Cited Baum, Scott. Drink Driving as a Social Problem: Comparing the Attitudes and Knowledge of Drink Driving Offenders and the General Community. Accident Analysis and Prevention. 32 (2000): 689-694. Evans, William N. , Doreen Neville, and John D. Graham. General Deterrence of Drunk Drivers: Evaluation of Recent American Policies. Risk Analysis. 11 (1991): 279-289. Hanson, David J. Mothers Against Drunk Driving: A Crash Course in MADD, 2002 http://www. alcoholfacts. org/CrashCourseOnMADD. html MADD. Saving Lives: Mothers Against Drunk Driving Annual Report 2003-2004, 2004. Meier, Kenneth J. (1994). The Politics of Sin: Drugs, Alcohol, and Public Policy. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Meier, Kenneth J. Drugs, Sex, Rock, and Roll: A Theory of Morality Politics. Policy Studies Journal. 27 (4) (1999): 681-695. Nunnallee, Karolyn. Pro Con: Should Congress Pass . 08 Blood-Alcohol Concentration (BAC) Drunk Driving Standard? Congressional Digest. 11 (6-7) (1998): 178-191. Reinarman, Craig. The Social Construction of an Alcohol Problem: The Case of Mothers Against Drunk Drivers and Social Control in 1980s. Theory and Society. 17 (1988): 91-120. Ross, H. Laurence. Confronting Drunk Driving: Social Policy for Saving Lives. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992 Stewart, Kathryn and James Fell. Trends in Impaired Driving in the United States: Complacency or Backsliding? In Daniel R. Mayhew and Claude Dussault eds. Proceedings of the 16th International Conference on Alcohol, Drugs and Traffic Safety, Montreal, Canada, August 4-9, 2002. Voas, Robert B. and John H. Lacey. Drunk Driving Enforcement, Adjudication, and Sanctions in the United States. in R. Jean Wilson and Robert E. Mann eds. Drinking and Driving: Advances in Research and Prevention. New York, NY: The Guildford Press, 1990 Weed, Frank J. The Victim-Activist Role in the Anti-Drunk Driving Movement. The Sociological Quarterly. 31 (3) (1990): 459-473.

Analysis of Optical Imaging Technologies

Analysis of Optical Imaging Technologies PAI is a relatively new imaging modality which displays optical absorption contrast with a high resolution at depths of up to a few centimetres. Tissue is illuminated using short laser pulses and ultrasound waves are generated within the tissue upon optical absorption. An image is formed of the optical absorption contrast based on the arrival times and amplitudes of the acoustic waves (Wang 2009, Lai and Young 1982, Sigrist and Kneubuhl 1978, Jaeger 2007). It began in the late 19th century, when Alexander Graham Bell discovered the extraordinary effect of sound being generated because of absorption of intermittent sunlight (Bell 1880, 1880a). It was not until the 1970s and 1980s that research in this field took off, with the advent of modern pulsed lasers and materials and electronics for acoustic detection and recording. Pulsed laser light, indeed, is used in the majority of PAl techniques in order to illuminate the sample of interest. The succession of phenomena that occur after light exposure is shown in the following list (Wang 2009, Xu and Wang 2006): Light absorption: the molecules that absorb light, start vibrating and this continues until the illumination ceases. Temperature rise: the vibration locally increases the temperature for the period of illumination, after which the temperature decays. Thermoelastic expansion: because of the thermoelastic effect, the heated area tends to expand, with a local increase in pressure for the period of illumination if this happens to quickly for expansion to occur. Acoustic emission: the transient pressure variation propagates away from the transiently heated region. The initial studies were based upon gas-phase analysis, in which gases, depending upon their physical properties would absorb specific wavelengths of pulsed laser radiation, generating acoustic signals recorded by a microphone (Tam 1986, Meyer and Sigrist 1990). It wasn’t until the mid-1990s that biomedical applications of photoacoustics were reported (Kruger 1995, Esenaliev 1997, Hoelen 1998) and from that point, until now, the field has witnessed unprecedented growth to a stage where imaging systems are commercially available. The generation of PA signal can be understood by dividing the phenomenon into two domains: ‘Optical’ and ‘acoustics’ (Kruizinga 2010). In the optical domain, the pulse of light incident on the body surface above the site of interest, penetrates and travels diffusely through the different layers and encounters regions where it is absorbed, causing the generation of heat, which results in volumetric expansion. If this heat is deposited in a short enough time using a nano- or femtosecond laser pulse, then there is no time for dissipation of heat into the surrounding medium nor dissipation of the stress due to the heat-induced increase in pressure, and a transient disequilibrium arises, because of the difference in pressure inside and outside the region of heat deposition. This results in the generation of acoustic emissions, which propagate to be detected at the body surface via the acoustic domain. In the next few sections, these two sub-domains (optical and a coustic) will be explained, followed by a brief outline of the possible imaging applications of PAI. 2.1.1  Optical domain In medical imaging, the wavelength range of 650 nm to 1300 nm is often referred to as the `tissue optical window, wherein the tissue components, primarily haemoglobin, water and melanin absorb minimal light, allowing greater penetration of the photons than at other wavelengths. The two processes that dominate in light interacting with tissue are `scattering and `absorption. The strength of these interactions heavily depend on the wavelength of the light used and the components of the interacting tissue. Before looking into the optical domain, it is necessary to define some common optical parameters and quantities, as listed in Table 2.1. Table 2.1. Definitions of some common optical parameters and quantities With these parameters, it is possible to define the extinction coefficient , as in Equation 1.1[JCB1]. Its reciprocal would be the mean free path between any absorption or scattering events. . (1.1)[JCB2] In order to take into account the anisotropy of light scattering, while evaluating the scattering property of a tissue (as it contains a combination of organelles and cells, ranging in size from nm to ÃŽ ¼m), another scattering coefficient is defined (Cheong et al. 1990). It is called the reduced (or transport) scattering coefficient and it is equal to: , (1.2) where g is the anisotropy factor, which is around 0.9 for tissue in the Vis-to-NIR [JCB3]wavelength range. The approximation of light transport through tissue is given by the diffusion theory. Here the attenuation (a) of light is approximated per unit length d with the use of Beers law , and the effective attenuation coefficient  µeff [JCB4]is given by (Cheong et al. 1990, Oraevsky et al. 1997): , (1.3) Unlike the all-optical imaging modalities, the resolution of PAI does not suffer heavily from the scattering of photons. In fact, scattering within the tissue lead to a more homogenous distribution of photons, which can be useful for effective PA wave generation. The limiting factor that PAI shares with other optical techniques is the low penetration depth of light in tissue. Nevertheless PAI only requires the delivery of light in one direction, and ultrasonic scattering is two to three orders of magnitude weaker than optical scattering in tissue. Therefore PAI allows for high spatial resolution much deeper within tissue than all-optical imaging, and can image to much greater depths than most of the other optical imaging techniques. 2.1.2  Acoustic domain The imaging principle of PAI does not rely on the reflection of an acoustic wave, as in ultrasound imaging, but rather on the detection of an acoustic wave generated from absorption of light. The generation of PA [JCB5]waves occurs only when the incident laser pulse [JCB6]length satisfies the stress confinement condition (Xu and Wang 2006, Jacques 1993). The stress confinement criterion is satisfied when the laser pulse length is shorter than the time ( ) for the stress waves to dissipate from the region of optical absorption: ,(1.4) where, is a representative linear dimension, such as the diameter of the absorbing region or the depth of penetration of the laser beam into the absorbing region, and is the speed of sound in tissue. In general, a pulse width of 3-10 ns is used in PAI. Pulse lengths greater than tens of nanoseconds do not produce a situation that satisfies the stress confinement criterion and generates either a very week or no PA signal. Pulses much shorter than a few nanoseconds lead to the generation of weaker PA signals from tissue. The generated acoustic signals propagate radially from the source, and the amplitude of the PA wave indicates the extent of local optical absorption, while the spatial origin of the acoustic waves, which indicates the location of the absorber, can be determined by the wave shape at the body surface, as given by the time taken for each part of the wave to reach the transducer surface, after laser irradiation. The initial PA pressure generation caused due to thermoelastic expansion can be rewritten as (Oraevsky and Karabutov 2003, Gusev and Karabutov 1993) ,(1.5) where ÃŽ ² is the thermal expansion coefficient, Cp is the specific heat at constant pressure, c is the speed of sound in the absorbing object, F is the light fluence and is the optical absorption coefficient. is referred to as the Grà ¼neisen coefficient ( and H (= is the local energy deposition density. With this equation, it is possible to estimate the intrinsic sensitivity of PAl techniques, which expresses how much the pressure signal amplitude would increase, if the fluence of the laser radiation is increased by a given amount. The acoustic wave that is generated upon light absorption obeys the following wave equation (ignoring thermal diffusion and kinematic viscosity) (Tam 1986, Sigrist 1986, Diebold et al. 1991, Gusev and Karabutov 1993). (1.6) The left side of equation represents the normal wave equation where v[JCB7] is the speed of sound in the medium of propagation, P pressure and t time. The right side describes the PA source, where ÃŽ ² is the thermal expansion coefficient, Cp is the specific heat at constant pressure and H is the amount of heat generated following light absorption. H can be represented as the product of optical absorption coefficient ÃŽ ¼a and the light fluence F (. The PA wave equation (1.6) formalized above can be considered as the key formula used for the construction of PA images, whereby, a linear relation between optical absorption and the measured acoustic amplitude is assumed. [JCB1] Just like figures and talbes, all equations should be referred to in the text. Otherwise, why is the equation there? [JCB2] This is how to centre an equation. Dont use any tabs. Right justify the line, and put spaces between the equation and the equation number until the equation is centred by eye. Why have you used a really tiny font for the equation number? I recommend that you dont do this. Also, even the equations themselves in this thesis are very small. It is boarderline acceptable. Slightly larger would be better. Of course do not make the in-line equations bigger. Finally, rules of grammar also apply to equations. If the finish a sentence or represent a sentence on their own, they should be followed by a full stop. If the are followed by the continuation of a sentence then appropriate punctuation should be used. For example, when they are followed by where variable is given by symbol, then the equation should end in a comma and the word where should begin with a small w. You will find this to be copied from all the good journals and books. [JCB3] Do not use abbreviations that you have not defined. [JCB4] Be careful to make sure that all symbols are correctly italicised and subscripted as appropriate. I wont be able to correct many of these if there are more of these problems. [JCB5] Needs defining. First use is at the beginning of section 1.2.1. [JCB6] Time does not have a width. [JCB7] Do not mix symbols. You said above that c is the speed of sound.

Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis Essay example -- Fertility Chemistry

Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis In the United States, an estimated 2.3 million couples are considered infertile [Wekesser, 1996]. This creates a large need for infertility specialists and clinics specializing in fertility treatments. With the quickly advancing field of rep roductive services and the quest for creating better, healthier babies, a new service called Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD) is being offered in conjunction with In vitro fertilization. PGD is a procedure that combines In vitro fertilization and genetic screening. In vitro fertilization is a procedure that requires a large time commitment; the entire procedure lasts about four weeks. The woman receives daily injections for seven to twelve days to stimulate the release of her eggs. After she begins to ovulate, the eggs are retrieved by inserting a needle through her vaginal wall. The eggs are then fertilized in a petri dish. After fertilization, the resulting embryos are allowed to mature to the six or eight cell stage. Then with the use of micromanipulation, a technician extracts one cell from each embryo. Polymerase Chain Reaction is then used to produce multiple copies of the cell’s DNA. [Wekesser,1996] Scientists are then able to test for specific disorders once they know the location of the gene that causes the disorder and have developed a test for its presence [Jaroff,1996]. The healthy embryos are implanted or frozen for future use, and the unhealthy e mbryos are d iscarded [Kenen,1994]. This procedure is still being perfected and clinics that perform this procedure are scarce. According to Denise Grady [1995], in the United States there are only seven clinics that perform PGD. Development/History PGD was developed to increase the ... ...se In vitro f ertilization and PGD to eliminate people such as these. Everyone deserves the chance to live and experience all that our world has to offer—good and bad. Life is a beautiful experience References: Grady, Denise. Unnatural Selection. Vogue. October 1995. Holme, Howard. Choose Better Human Genes. Obtained from the WWW: HOLME Jaroff, Leon. Keys to the Kingdom. Time. Fall 1996. V148. N14. Kenen, Regina H. Pregnancy in the Genetic Age. The Network News. July-August 1994. V19. N4. Macer Darryl R.J. Shaping Genes: Ethics, Law and Science of Using New Genetic Technology in Medicine and Agriculture. Obtained from the WWW: MACER Maranto, Gina. Quest for Perfection: The Drive to Breed Better Human Beings. Simon and Schuster: New York, NY. 1996. Wekesser, Carol ed. Reproductive Technologies. Greenhaven Press, Inc: San Diego, CA. 1996.

Iago’s Use of Language and Villainous Behavior in Shakespeare’s Othello

Iago’s Use of Language and Villainous Behavior in Shakespeare’s Othello In Othello, Shakespeare forms the villainous character, Iago through his complex language. Iago shows his evil nature towards Roderigo through his use of demeaning animal imagery. Iago also uses an extended metaphor to try and trick the ignorant Roderigo and (unknowingly to Roderigo), insults him. Lastly, Iago uses repetition to beguile Roderigo to keep paying him. Iago’s slyness is clearly seen through his deceiving language towards the end of Act I. In Act I, scene iii, line 319, Iago addresses the issue of love and lust through an extended metaphor. In this speech, after Roderigo says he wants to kill himself, Iago tries to convince Roderigo not to end his life for a woman. By doing this, he manages to give the impression that he is advising Roderigo, while at the same time insulting him and making him and others part of his plan. Iago states, â€Å"Our bodies are our gardens, to the which our wills are gardeners† suggesting that our will (the â€Å"gardener†) has power over our bodies (â€Å"the garden†). Also...

Jonathon Swift: A Modest Proposal Essay

Jonathon Swift: A Modest Proposal Jonathon Swift’s A Modest Proposal is a parody on the economic situation of the society in which he attempts to â€Å"find out a fair, cheap and easy method† (Swift) for the children in poverty to be put to good use for good of Ireland. This is seen right away in the full title of the pamphlet, â€Å"A Modern Proposal for Preventing the Children of Poor People from Being a Burden to their Parents, or the County, and for Making them Beneficial to the Publick.† The reader begins to realize that Swift does not actually wish to implement these ideas of a baby being â€Å"a most delicious nourishing, and wholesome food† (Swift) once this extreme idea is proposed. Through this extreme proposal of cannibalism and breeding children to solve poverty and overpopulation, he makes the reader vulnerable while also eager to find out more. As entertaining as this text is, it is more than just a comic. Swift wishes to relay a much deeper meaning to the reader. In Robert Phiddian’s article, Have You Eaten Yet., Phiddian recognizes â€Å"the moral-political argument being carried out by means of parody.† (Phiddian) The moral issue, here, is poverty and the political issue is population, yet rarely do these issues remain as clear and separate as intended. Look more:  satire essay examples essay While Swift initially makes the reader chuckle several times throughout the text, he is venting about the societal ills that go unnoticed daily. He is aggravated by the hypocrisy of the wealthy trying to help the poor by coming up with such outlandish ideas that they think will supposedly solve poverty. Poverty is inevitable in a free market therefore with the money that the poor would receive â€Å"may be liable to distress and help pay their Landlord’s rent.† (Swift) Swift wants the reader to realize that no matter how great the ideas of the wealthy are, their motivation is to make a buck from these plans that they devise in their parlors over a cup of tea. â€Å"There is nothing higher than selfish greed within the terms of economic discourse† as Phiddian points out. Even in society today, there are always those people that wish to solve the issue of poverty, but can’t seem to realize that these implications are not easily resolved and are part of socie ty. Swift had compassion for the Irish people and felt for them in their severe  state, but he also shows disgust with the people of Ireland for not even trying on their own behalf. Prior to Swift writing A Modest Proposal he had written several sermons, which provide a background into the state of Ireland and how the people ended up in this predicament. â€Å"The members of this class are being called to their responsibilities and reminded of the guilt they share for the condition of their country.† (Phiddian) Swift leaves no stone unturned in the text and does not excuse any party from the awful state that Ireland is in at this point in time. Swift manages to target most of the groups in Ireland including the politicians, aristocracy, and even the poor. These and outside causes like that of England are included in the parody. Essentially, Swift trying to get the reader to understand that not one person can solve the problems of poverty and overpopulation. In fact, it is part of society and has been for centuries. The struggles are apparent before Swifts time and even now. He is able to address two sets of readers in a sense; one of his time and one of the future, our time. â€Å"While people continue to starve and to live in abject poverty, an analogy exists between Swift’s readers’ situation and our own.† (Phiddian) The reader is able to identify with the subject and the point that Swift is trying to make of the societal ills of the time through this â€Å"moral-political argument.† (Phiddian) in turn see that behind the gore and obscene ideas that he has come up with, there is a voice that needs to be heard. What would normally be a boring economic update or a political argument over what the country needs to do has been transformed by Swift into a masterpiece that peeks the interest of those other than the politicians. He is able to catch our attention as a reader by many surprises and then able to make us think critically about policies, values, and society as a whole in general. Reference Page Robert Phiddian Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 Vol. 36, No. 3, Restoration andEighteenth Century (Summer, 1996), pp. 603-621 Published by: Rice University